Now that the story is old and dust has settled over it, it is worth revisiting the issue of caste census with a cool head. One may think that talking about caste in modern day India could re-legitimize, reinforce and reestablish an institution that progress and modernity has rendered irrelevant and the Constitution has made illegal, but honestly, have we ever left it behind as we progressed?
Caste is a living reality in India, among all religions and in all states.Yes, Muslims in India too are divided along caste likes. They are stratified into three main castes. At the top of the pyramid are the Ashrafs (literally, the ‘nobles’, who trace their ancestry to inhabitants of the Arab peninsula or Central Asia or are converts from Hindu upper castes), Ajlafs (literally, the ‘commoners’, who are said to be converted from Hindu low castes) and Arzals (literally, the ‘despicable’, who are said to be Dalit converts). Even among Christians, after conversion from Hinduism the stigma of caste stick with them and Dalits become Dalit Christians and cannot marry Syrian Christians in Kerala. Similarly in Tamilnadu Christian Nadar would enter into a marital alliance with a Hindu Nadar but never with a Christian of another caste!
There are
villages after villages which don't cast their vote but simply vote for their
caste. We live with caste all the time. So many family names are caste
identifiers. We still are uneasy with inter-caste marriages. Members of
subaltern caste still suffer discrimination in villages and at work, even
across seven seas. Caste based social oppression, though illegal, is overtly or
covertly practiced.
The
irony of not knowing the caste numbers is profound. This caste invisibility has
produced strange paradox, we debate about reservations from the streets to the
parliament without knowing the real distribution of the disadvantaged. We
deploy caste neutral tools in deeply stratified society, and well meaning
government policies miss their mark because we are unaware of the real numbers.
Why is a caste census necessary?
So,
why do we want to again scratch the old festering caste wound which our society
carries? This is a necessary surgery, which can no longer be ignored, lest it
turns cancerous. Critics fear that caste counting may harden identities or fuel
populist demands of increasing the reservation quota. Such concerns are not
without merit, but fear of its misuse cannot justify a National statistical
blindness. What the government does to address these problems will depend upon
its political statecraft and many such political time bombs, kept safely in the
cupboard for many years, have been defused in the past by the present
government.
This
will be the first caste census of independent India. The main opposition party
avoided it like plague in the 65 years it ruled for it was unsure about the
consequences. Their model of 'caste blind development ' failed to curb
inequalities and Garibi hatao
remained a slogan. But it succeeded in ensuring caste is deeply
entrenched in the political system. They feared that caste enumeration would
mobilize political realignment and consolidation of depressed caste communities
into electorally powerful vote bank, whose aspirations were left unmet. This
caste census will be the first step towards understanding the composition of
our society and a giant leap towards evidence based inclusive governance.
The
results will have to be implemented with care, clarity and purpose, without bothering
about the seismic changes it might usher. For decades our planning and
development has moved ahead with a critical blind spot. We were all along
chasing parameters like GDP but ignoring such an important factor like caste,
which continues to decide access to education, employment, healthcare, housing
and delivery of justice!
How will caste census help?
After
every census we are able to interpret data under headings like age, gender,
geography, language, but not caste! Why did we continue with this huge umbra
region in our national understanding? The caste census will offer an
opportunity to correct this misalignment. We will know how our society is truly
composed, not only their population size, but their social and economic
conditions. This caste census will not be about reinforcing identity but about
identifying structural inequalities.
Caste
enumeration is not about division, it is about design. It will help designing a
fairer system, target our interventions more accurately and create more
inclusive India. Cast census is not about looking backwards but it is about
moving forward with a clear and just plan, with wisdom and with eyes wide open.
The numbers we gather today will shape the justice we deliver tomorrow.
Expect a seismic change
Political
parties, both in government and in opposition, may be out for a rude shock not
only in relative numerical strength of a particular caste in a given region but
today's leaders may realize that their caste following is much less than they
had projected and anticipated so far! Data could reveal presumed armies of
caste supporters to be much smaller or much larger than the leaders and
followers had assumed. This could lead to a scramble of realignment within and
across parties. Who knows whether the Congress President and leader of the
opposition will still enjoy the presumed caste dominance in Gulberga, Karnataka
after the caste census!
Even
more significant political fallout of caste census may be the loss of luster of
caste and religion in politics and the predominance of performance, decision
making and good governance! After all, caste leaders like Sri Lalu Prasad in
Bihar and Sri Mulayam Singh in U.P did precious nothing to improve the
conditions of their caste and everything to enrich their own families! Armed
with caste census, with detailed knowledge of not only their numbers but their
education, employment, health, housing and financial status, will there
not be a revolt within these family ruled regional parties? After all, this is
the true empowerment of the subaltern groups. Raw data from this census will
verify or negate the notion that whether mobilization in the name of caste, or
for that matter religion, brings deliverance and prosperity.
The logistical challenge
The
logistical challenge of census in India is formidable but including caste
will multiply the challenge manifold. Well designed questionnaire to know not
only their numbers but their living conditions, their educational
qualifications, their employment status, their housing, banking and credit
facilities, their position in society and their delivery of justice is a must.
The task will be a technical nightmare.
You
may be thinking of caste amomh Hindus as 4 varnas-
Brahmin, Khatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. But each varna has multiple castes or jatis
and each caste has multitudes of sub-castes or upjatis. There are more than 3000 jatis in India and countless upjatis.
Borders between these castes and sub-castes are petty porous for opportunists
to slide in and out to get maximum benefits in government schemes and
reservations. Add to this the parliament approved EWS or extremely weaker
section category and the oft repeated agitation in almost every state for
inclusion in OBC category. As if that was not enough, we have the Muslim
Dalits, the Christian Dalits, and the Muslim OBC (Pasmandas), once counted in
the census do they too get qualified for affirmative actins like reservation?
And now you have an idea how gigantic a problem awaits our political
system.
Caste
is not just a part of our past for most Indians, it is a crucial dimension of
our present. If we want caste to matter less tomorrow, we must now understand
how much it matters today, and draw a baseline. To pretend that caste has
become irrelevant is like ignoring the elephant in the room. To exclude caste
from the census is to continue policy making in the dark. To include it,
thoughtfully and responsibly is to shine long overdue light in this dark corner
and solve the problem of delivering education, employment, healthcare, housing,
banking, trade and delivery of justice purposefully. It is the real road
to last mile delivery.